28 July 2007

The Spanish Army marched in Donostia, protected by the Ertzaintza 17/07/07

In the occasion of the Day of Carmen and unlike last year, that marched within the military quartering of Loyola, the three branches of the Spanish Army, as well as important representatives of the Civil Guard and the Spanish Police, along with few political representatives, marched in Donostia among the protests of the neighbours of Alde Zaharra and the pro-amnesty movement.

Although only marched a few meters, the great unfolding of the Ertzaintza (Basque autonomous police) and other bodies of the SSF (Spanish Security Force) mirrored the importance of the military act.

Batasuna sees possible to stop the HST thanks to social struggle 18/07/07

Eusebio Lasa and Joseba Permach, members of the Basque pro-independence left executive, stated in a press conference the reinforcement and strengthen of the Basque social struggle against the HST (High Speed Train). Thanks to it, they believe its paralysation to be possible.

They also underlined that the past 27th May elections were a reflection of what the affected towns feel about it "those political formations that have deceived the citizenship by trying to impose the HST have been punished". And those formations that have played "consequently" have won the elections in the affected localities.

The Basque pro-independence left clearly knows that behind this project there are enormous economic and political interests. Moreover, behind this macro-project it is clearly noticeable the "neo-liberal model" of the PNV (Basque Christian democrat party), UPN (right wing Navarre party) and PSOE (Spanish "socialist" party in government).

2 and 5 years imprisonment sentence to fourteen youth accused of collaborating with ETA 19/07/07

The National Hearing has condemned 14 people to 2 and 5 years imprisonment for "collaboration with armedorganisation". The judges have acquitted Garikoitz Urizar, Gorka Rivadulla, Asier Arriola, Sergio Regueiro and Ibon Perez, five of the youth accused. These 19 people were arrested in 2004, and denounced to have undergone tortures. Haritz Totorika, Amaia Urizar, Iker Arzeluz and Aitziber Sagarminaga have been sentenced to 5 years imprisonment. Nagore Bilbao has been the condemned to 2 years and 7 months, and Immaculada Basabe, Mikel Lizarribar, Gaizka Larrinaga, Janire Couceiro, Iñaki Peña, Sonia Martin, Igor Zearreta, Leire Urrutia and Egoitz Fernandez, to two years.

To impose a false end, to hinder a democratic framework 19/07/07

The opinion article of Josu Jon Imaz published last weekend in diverse newspapers has caused a small earthquake in the Basque political scene. The Basque pro-independence left has criticized the terms which the PNV president li3mits the possibilities of a consultation to the Basque society. This article deepens now on those critics.

Beyond the electoral results, we are staking a new departure point that is not seen like a drama in the Spanish state, a new consensus, thirty years later, without the warding of the Franco regime, aided by a true democratic transition, with the participation and the commitment of the Basque pro-independence left. A new political agreement that will regulate and qualify the mechanisms to grant the word to our town, that starting off from the current reality and being flexible in forms and accounting, will contemplate as a base and limit, the democratically expressed free will and of our country.

The PNV plays dirty once again. Preparing a new fraud to the collective opportunity to give a structural and scrupulously democratic solution to the national negation of this Country, to honestly and negotiatedly untie the knot of the conflict and all its consequences.

The PNV has postulated itself, both in the negotiation table as well as publicly, as a loyal partner for a new historical fraud. A long time ago, it signed a strategic contract: to close the doors to national independence. That is its game. In the short term, to bid for the rejection of the process as a particular interest, and in the long one, as already said Imaz: To captivate Spain as a project.

Its scheme to make of the Spanish legality principle a limit to the freely expressed will of the Basque people, to bid for an agreement with the autonomic branches of the state parties in terms of statutory reform, turning the popular consultation into a mere appendix of entertainment and accompaniment.

The Basque pro-independence left does not want to build a process of democratic solutions against the PNV. And it considers that the sensitivity and political culture of the PNV must commit itself with a decisive agreement of guarantees and vocation of durability.

We believe that the word of the Basque people is the base and the limit of a democratic resolution scene and we take the principle of legality as a guarantee and channel of the democratic expression of the popular will, never as a limit or restriction. To take the process as a statutory reform and the consultation as a legitimation of the scheme is simply not to close the wound that feeds the conflict.

The PNV would better leave the imposition of a false end of the conflict and the prevention of a democratic framework scheme aside to make an honest effort to search and build a democratic resolution from the collective. Effort that means the following exercise: To close well an historical cycle of national negation, territorial division and imposition, to close well a cycle of armed confrontation and general suffering, in order to open, with strength, from the accumulation of majority social energies and political change commitments, a scene of peace and democracy.

The PNV continues in their old scheme. Its bid is a bet for the police route and to set the democratic resolution of the conflict aside. This way it assures the mechanisms of political hegemony and individual economy.

There are two reasons that also underlie in PNV's old and updated bid. On the one hand, it means to agree that the historical bid of resistance and struggle of the Basque pro-independence left was right before the shoddy work of thirty years ago and to live it like a drama. Well, the Basque pro-independence left neither needs the PNV to grant it the historical reason, nor wants medals nor political prices for itself. The positioning of the Basque pro-independence left is and will be the defence of a Country that considers itself a nation and that has the right to its free self-determination. Nothing else and neither nothing less.

On the other hand the PNV is scared of a democratic scene because it considers that in that framework the Basque pro-independence left is an option of popular strength, that could dispute the PNV's hegemony, and that building the Basque Country from the transforming left, with policies that will connect with social majorities can take the reins of the country towards national independence. That fear makes the PNV, at times that require great bids and hard decisions, at times of historical ambition and statistical height, to show itself meek, submissive and always by the side of the master of Madrid. Renewing its old bid of feeding the conflict.

Alvarez calls to apply 182.2 article of the Electoral Law 20/07/07

The member of the Basque pro-independence left executive, Joseba Alvarez, brought to collation that all the political parties, with the exception of Aralar, have participated in the management of the Spanish Law of Parties "usurping" , only in Gipuzkoa, to the Basque pro-independence left a total of 95 councils.

It remembered that in Gipuzkoa the Spanish courts "illegalized" 26 candidacies by, and added that as consequence 95 "usurped" seats and town halls of which "65 have already been stolen", 30 are still to be hold.

Alvarez denounced that the PNV is the political party that gains more from this mathematical operation with 23 "stolen" positions, four of them without been occupied yet, followed by EA (Basque social democrats) with "10 completed robberies and three without been completed".

He continued stating that the PSE ("Basque socialist" party) has also taken possession of 12 seats that do not correspond it, waiting to take another one, followed of the PP (spanish right wing party in the opposition) that "has already usurped" the 17 positions for which it was not chosen in the 27th May elections. EB ("Basque" left wing party) has taking 3 "illegitimate" councils.

Alvarez underlined that in Lizartza the PP governs just by 27 votes and by people who "had not even appeared in the list".

Immediately afterwards it exposed the existing difference between Lizartza and Aretxabaleta, since in this last one Aralar (Basque "left" party) has "publicly" announced that will carry out "until the end" the application of article 182,2 of the Electoral Law.

Alvarez ended denouncing that, as a result of the application of the Law of Parties, "the correlation of forces within the city councils has changed". This reality that supposes "a cheated institutional majority", emphasized, opens the way to the consummation of macro projects such as the incinerator plant, the outer port of Pasaia or the High Speed Train.

A police raid in Castelló in search of two presumed members of ETA 20/07/07

The SSF (Spanish Security Forces) are searching for two people consider members ETA in Castelló. The police operative began after one of them left a taxi when detecting a police control. Inside the vehicle, he would have left a bag with material to make bombs.

The taxi driver, surprised by this attitude, went to the Civil Guard control, to give account of what happened.

The search was extended after the taxi driver warned that the man greeted another person in the station where he took the taxi.

London postpones the Euro-order decision after admitting the arguments of the defence 21/07/07

The court of Westminister has delayed the Euro-order decision against Iñigo Albisu, Zigor Ruiz and Ana Lopez to be able to study with precision the arguments presented by the defence among them the possibility of being tortured when arriving to the Spanish state.

The judge who takes the extradition case of these three Basque political prisoners will also consider the new argumentations presented by the defence around the different abuses given within the judicial process. The decision to handing them over to the Spanish state has been therefore postponed until the next 17th August.

Madrid admits that the process "was collapsed" from beginning 22/07/07

The 29th December 2006, a day before ETA exploded a car bomb in the airport of Madrid-Barajas, Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero insisted on his messages of optimism towards the dialogue process.

The Spanish Government has taken six months to publicly assume that, as both the political spokesmen of the Basque pro-independence left as well as the own armed organization expressed repeatedly, the so called "peace process" "was collapsed not long after the cease-fire", that began the 24th March 2006. "We could say that never really started; that is the truth: it never really took off", affirms the Spanish home minister. "It had a hesitant beginning and, from then on, things got complicated", added Alfredo Perez Rubalcaba.



The under-signed raise the necessity to release Arnaldo Otegi for the reasons exposed next:

1 - We understand that the political interlocution is the basic instrument to maintain the necessary communication to forward alternatives, as well as to debate and negotiate them between the parts involved, in order to be able to articulate the political agreements with which the Basque Country will reach a scene of peace and freedom.

2 - For that reason, we believe that Arnaldo Otegi's imprisonment is a very serious incident, since he is one of the main interlocutors of the Basque pro-Independence Left and, as it is publicly known he has carried out very important work in the search of a democratic solution to the political conflict that suffers the Basque Country.

3 - Consequently, those of us who subscribe this document forward to the public opinion our rejection to Arnaldo Otegi's imprisonment for being a political background measure, and at the same time request his release to the pertinent judicial authorities.

24 July 2007

New phases will be open and the process will continue

ASKAPENA's information service, Nº 186

The previous phase is over. The Spanish government neither wanted to negotiate nor knew how to do it. They put the process under so much strain, and so many times, that they managed to broke it. Two negotiating sides (PSOE and PNV) left the negotiating table letting the third one down. Unilaterally ETA decided to finish the truce unilaterally declared by them. The government get back in the failed path of repression, and they dream about reaching a new Anti-terrorist Pact.

The ones who conspire to block the process see their aim reached. The ones who worked hard to get a solution are already suffering the breaking-off consequences. The ones who dreamt about new times feel disappointed and frustrated. Some essential questions raise in this context: And, now? The opportunity we had is definitively lost? We will go back to the starting point in order to start again?

In the following lines we will try to answer these questions. The path we have walked during these year is not useless. It is not possible to go back to the starting point. Even though the phase ended without reaching an agreement, the process keeps on and will keep on. The solution is still far, but more and more closer. Our aim is not short term, we have not give up hope, and these are the information our conviction is based on.

The Spanish society

It fells more and more less motivated in keeping endlessly the confrontation. Due to the long years of the conflict and the different repressive failure strategies, it become convinced that something must be done. According to opinion tolls, more and more Spanish people agree to try new ways leading to resolution. The ones who supported a total war (PP) did not get during the last elections the good results they expected to get. The ones who supported a combined war (PSOE and their servants) did not get good results either. Nobody won; it was their rotten democracy that lost more as it gets more and more abstention.

The Basque society.

The Basque soceity is also very tired seeing that the years pass, and the conflict is unsolved. ETA's violence is strongly criticized by the Basque society, and more and more, State violence too. The ones who support State violence (PNV) were punished by the electorate. The Basque society increasingly think that the so-call transition was a deception and that the autonomic model was a trap; they feel that it is necessary to advance towards a new frame, that our lives and our future is being decided in Madrid regardless of the choice of our people, they feel that there is not separation of powers in Spain, that Euskal Herria is not able to choose.

The number of people who agree to talk with ETA in order to reach an agreement is growing, and so the number of people thinking that it is a political problem that needs political solutions; many people think that the Parties Law means coming back to Franco times and the illegalization process is absolutely unfair. There are also people who hope to recover the Anti-terrorist Pacts against the Basque left, but they are fewer and fewer, and less convinced: previous experience confirmed that these pacts are useless.

The Basque left

They have showed themselves to have an unimaginable capacity to survive. Their leaders are in prison, their headquarter are closed down, their funding are cut, their party is illegalised, their demonstrations are repressed, their activists are marked people? Their predictions and wills are not fulfilled. It is not a majority force, but it is not unimportant either. This force has shown capacity to survive, to regenerate, to renew its leadership, to have a bearing on the political life, to adapt to new situations, to offer political alternatives...

The reason for its strength is clear: the people belonging to it are coherent, and its proposals agree with the will of the people. Anoeta's Proposal (two negotiating tables as a resolution method) any the Anaitasuna Proposal (a self-government for the four territories [within the Spanish State], where the will of the citizens is respected and the pro-independence possibility is not rejected) are ratified. The Basque Left repeat that dialogue and acceptance of the majority's will is the only alternative.

Internationalisation of the conflict

Important steps have been taken in this field, and this conflict has more and more space in the international agendas: the Vatican, the European Union, UN General Secretary mentioned the situation we are living. Many important international voices established guidelines: "It is necessary to pass from the dialogue phase to substantial negotiations" (Nelson Mandela); "Only if all the sides, in equal conditions, are present at the negotiation table, fruitful negotiations are possible" (Gerry Adams); "Dialogue and negotiation are the only tool able to resolve political problems and to build a real peace" (Statement made by six personalities who supported the process); "Conditions must be created so that all the sides take part in the process...It is necessary to deal with the roots of the conflict in order to reach a lasting solution" (Roelf Meyer, South Africa Ministry of Defence during the years when apartheid was overcome); "Try to end up a conflict by repression means to make it even harder" (Matteo Zuppi, San Egidio Community, specializing in mediation).

The meetings that marked the end of negotiations took place at the end of May, and at the same table where ETA and the Spanish government were seated, a large international representation was also present.


In this crucial moment, sad and tense moments too, there are some facts that become more and more clear for the Basque society: The only alternative to process is more process. We are in one point where the dialogue process relies on a more and more solid social base. These months of intense political dialogue have been extremely important for all the ones who take part in it. The agreement has not been reached, but the work shared with the adversary has not been useless.

Even though PSOE had a negative attitude, they know that there is not another way to solve the conflict but to initiate it again. If in a time they though that superficial solutions would work to solve the conflict, now they know that it is useless. The ones committed to the process we need perseverance and courage to keep on persisting with it despite all the opposition and aggressions. The present breaking-off is neither an irreversible end nor a back to the starting point.

11 July 2007


On March 22, 2006, the armed Basque organization ETA announced an indefinite cease-fire that would start on March 24. Fourteen months later, on June 5, 2007, ETA announced the end of the cease-fire and the reopening of the armed struggle at all the fronts, starting at midnight of June 5.

Today, our aim is to inform about what happened in the wings during the months when the miscarried normalization process was open.

Chronology of a new failed attempt


Since 2000, there have been non official talks between the Basque left and the Spanish PSOE (Socialist Party). In these talks both of them agreed that the point was dealing with a political conflict that needed a political approach.

The indefinite cease-fire.

As a result of these talks, and aiming to facilitate them, ETA announced an indefinite cease-fire. The logic next step would have been an honest dialogue between both sides. Unfortunately what happened was just the opposite. Once deactivated the armed confrontation, PSOE as well PNV put a strategy previously plotted into practice: denature the process by transmitting the public opinion that the process was just a technical one (disarmament of ETA-resolution of the Basque political prisoners issue), at the same time that they intensified the judicial and police harassment against the Basque left. By doing, so equality of conditions was denied to the other side by the one formed by PSOE-PNV, in other words, a shameful manipulation of the good will of the other side in order to erode it, to have it on the ropes, and if possible, to eliminate it.

The first crisis.

As a result of this change by PSOE and the PNV after the truce declaration by ETA the process reached a deadlock within two months. Before May 2006, the talks underwent their first and grave crisis. In order to unblock it, the Basque left tried to reactivate the encounters with the political parties. In that context we have to locate a very closely followed by the mass media meeting maintained by PSOE and Batasuna in a Bilbao hotel. The PSOE leaves the way free so that the phase of negotiation would advance. Nevertheless, the public projection by the media as for the reached agreement was fatal. In the press conference after the encounter - that happened to be positive - the representatives from the PSOE deceived the citizenship. They said that they had attend the talks not to the solve a crisis, but to remember Batasuna "that it had homework to be done". Despite this rude disinformation, the aim was fulfilled since the crisis was surpassed.

The second crisis.

This crisis took place on August 2006. In the 6 July meeting, so widely announced by the media, PSOE as well as Batasuna committed themselves to reach a pre-agreement before the 31st of July. The dates previously agreed were exceeded without reaching the aim. In a press conference Batasuna's spokesmen tlak about the crisis and the blockade. A little later, PSOE and PNV executives gave green light to reach a pre-agreement which should be debated later by all the Basque agents. The crisis is solved with this decision which means a qualitative jump: for the firs time a true political negotiating table among the three interlocutors is formed with the same aim: to give a definitive and political solution to an old political conflict.

Time of intense dialogue and the two rough drafts.

As it was previously agreed, on September 2006 the dialogue among the three sides becomes more intense. Three meetings were held in September, six more in October, and three more in November. It was an intense experience due to the three interlocutors analysis level: Batasuna, PSOE and PNV. The talks were based on two main points: the necessary political bases for a future agreement, and the establishment of a general scheme for the development of the process.

Four questions were approached, the four of which required consensus: the conception of Euskal Herria as a nation, the right to decide, the respect for all the rights and the institutional organization. Formal aspects were also debated: the method and schedule of the multilateral dialogue (previously, Batasuna and PSOE decided to start up the multy-party table before October 2006).

The intense work during these months gave as a result two rough drafts. The first of them saw the light in September; after reaching this rough draft, October was the most positive month, since it was possible to remarkably advance. At the end of this month a second rough draft saw the light; the bases of a possible agreement that would bring the resolution for the conflict appeared in this rough draft.

The hour of the commitments.

The sixth and last meeting of October was decisive. In that meeting, each one of the interlocutors had to define its position. Batasuna alerted that the rough draft contained gaps and ambiguities that could make it very dangerous at the time of being applied. The first two sections about the recognition of Euskal Herria as a nation and the respect for the rights reached the general agreement. The ones related to the right to decide and the territorial organisation caused discords; Batasuna demand that they have to be more precise so that a fraud could not happen at the time of carrying out a change of the status of Euskal Herria, a point that in private talks the three sides considered absolutely necessary.

Important political proposal of the Basque left.

In order to solve the new blockade, Batasuna put on the table a very important political proposal, which means a big effort done by this political party: an autonomy statute for the four territories in the south of Euskal Herria envisaging the right of the citizens to decide for themselves, and not excluding the option of independence if the Basque citizens decide so. The proposal is close to PNV's ideology and agrees with PSOE's proposals made not many years ago.

The contributions that never materialised since the interlocutors left the table.

The blockade.

After knowing Batasuna's proposal, at the end of October the interlocutors committed themselves to write up their own contributions. They never fulfilled their task. During the three meetings held in November, PNV reiterated that it would change not even one a single comma of the second rough draft; and as for the PSOE, it made important reductions relative to the previous compromises. Regarding Batasuna's new proposal, both PSOE and PNV refused to take it into consideration. As a result, Batasuna reduced its exigency level and it proposed an action line shared with them in order to get closer to a situation of autonomy that did not exclude independence. Not even this readjustment of the proposal was taken into account. PSOE and PNV answered with a second refusal that totally blocked the process. Batasuna keep on waiting for the promised contributions that never arrived. The interlocutors left the table and they have not returned.

Reactions to ETA's press release

ETA announced on the 5th of June that at 12 am on the 6th of June the indefinite cease-fire came to an end. We will not mention the official notice since its content has had an ample echo in the international press. The armed Basque organization justified its decision on the grounds that the conditions to take ahead a peace process did not happen. ETA blamed the Spanish Government not to have fulfilled the previously agreed commitments, in the same way ETA accused the Basque PNV of behaving like a mere PSOE's servant.

After the official notice, the post-electoral pacts went to a second place. The ETA's press release, although everybody had supposed to happen so, provoked an avalanche of reactions with few new elements, and many of them very opportunists. Many political and social agents had scandalously and irresponsibly behaved during the months of the truce. They had been blind, deaf and dumb with the demolishing attitude of the PSOE and the PNV; they did never denounce the non stop aggressions that both parties made in all the fronts to the third interlocutor. It is only now, when ETA is the one to open all the fronts, that they have raised a cry of horror and alarm. We have witnessed another new expression of thought and unique speech: ETA and its accomplices, the Basque patriotic left wing, are the only responsible agents for the failure of the peace process. ETA's enemies have brought to light all the speeches and strategies that they had beforehand prepared. We summarize in this bulletin some reactions that deserve to be taken into account.

The Government of Madrid bets on the repression

President Zapatero made an official appearance on June 5 directing his reflection in four directions: he warned that ETA is wrong again; he also addressed to the Spanish citizenship to keep calm since the situation is under control, according to Mr Zapatero; he also spoke to to the Basque citizenship to explain that he had done everything that was in his hand to obtain Peace; finally, he did asked to the rest of the political forces to be united against terrorism. These explanations are not able to clarify a very serious doubt: a Government who had carried out a great activity before the cease-fire by ETA; why did it change its attitude once ETA interrupted its armed activity?

Zapatero himself gave the answer to this question in an interview on television: he did not try at any moment to solve the political conflict, the only thing that he tried was the end of ETA without making any substantial modification within politics; ETA had to surrender to seductions Zapatero's ways; at the same time, the Spanish Government added that it was going to undertake the strategy of repression against the Basque patriotic left wing (but the question is: has the Spanish government ever interrupted that violent strategy?). What Zapatero had meant was that he was to harden the repressive measures and, saying so he said the truth: Iñaki de Juana, who continued in the Hospital of Donosti, was transferred to the jail of Aranjuez to complete the one year sentence that he has still to serve; the Spanish judge Garzón prohibited to two leaders of Batasuna to travel to South Africa to attend a Congress where they were invited; the spokesman of Batasuna, Arnaldo Otegi was imprisoned once again, new arrests in France, a refugee was transfered from Mexico... In the week from the 11th to the 18th, Zapatero met all the political forces to try to incorporate them to the Antiterrorist Pact that he is reactivating.

The PP bets on repression

Nothing new. The president of the PP accepts the invitation that Zapatero had made to him in order to meet and to approximate strategies in the fight against the Basque fight for independence. In spite of it, he takes advantage of the new situation to continue striking Zapatero. According to the PP, the facts have given the reason to this political party: the only effective strategy to exterminate "the terrorism" consists in closing any route of dialogue and in fighting that claim for independence with all the possible arms; they asked to Zapatero to rectify his antiterrorism policy by going into action. As usual, Rajoy considered that the first measures taken by Government were insufficient: they demand the illegalization of ANV and prevent their candidates to take up the of their post of city council the citizens have granted to them; it did also asked Zapatero to harden the prison sentences... After the meeting on June 11th , Zapatero and Rajoy projected an image of greater antiterrorism consensus.

The Basque Government, rejection to other people's violence and a bet on dialogue

This institution waited several days before making an assessment of the new situation. In order to do so, it reunited the Political Council conformed by three people: the President and a member of each one of the partners of the Tripartite. Its answer consists merely in retaking the Plan for Peace that agreed a few months before, and that was forgotten. The grounds of their positioning were these: a complete rejection of violence, a bet on political dialogue, to reactivate the peace and coexistence plan, and to have total confidence in Basque society.

The PNV, faithful squire of the PSOE, bets on repression

During the talks, the PNV has behaved like an unconditional servant of the PSOE. After the decision of ETA, its servility has become serious: its speech is full of insults and disqualifications against Batasuna, the Basque patriotic left wing; the PNV exculpates itself and the Spanish Government of the failure of the negotiations, holding just Batasuna responsible of what happened. As the PNV has done throughout the peace process, it is preparing the context so that Madrid should act with total impunity against Euskal Herria; on this particular case, it is preparing the Basque society so that it could assume the repressive big wave that the Spanish Government, with the complicity of the PNV, is going to untie against the Basque patriotic left wing.

The opportunism of other social agents

The Basque political parties betting on a policy of reform have followed the path marked by their ship standard, the PNV. They do not use the same degree of belligerence in their speeches, but they all agree in repudiating the only violence that according to them does not exist: the one of ETA. It is curious fast answer by ELA, the trade union, in rejecting ETA's decision: on the very same day, June 6th, it organized a concentration against the armed organization.

From the beginning of the cease-fire, ELA knew the continuous aggressions that the Basque patriotic left wing was undergoing and how risky these aggressions were for the good result of the process. In that case it never summoned a similar concentration; it has only demonstrated initiative to condition the weakest negotiating partners.

Groups sympathizers to the Spanish constitution, like Gesture of Peace initiated their mobilizations against ETA; although, in this case, they could not be the first ones: ELA and Nafarroa Bai were first. Very quickly the Basque Church as well as the Spanish one has taken position against ETA. They are not worry at all about torture and the steps taken to make illegal legitimate political parties. In the case of the Spanish church, they has been actively sabotaging the process.

The Basque left demands the continuity of the process

On June 5, Arnaldo Otegi, spokesman of Batasuna and nowadays in prison, made the first assessment. He pointed out that only ETA is responsible for the breaking-off of the truce. But PSOE and PNV are responsible for the collapse of the process. He did not just look the past, Arnaldo was also confident that a solution will be find. He reasserted what he said on October 2004 regarding the efforts to find a solution to the conflict. He committed himself to redouble the efforts to recreate, with other agents, the necessary conditions that they should allow to reactivate a democratic process. The popular claim to keep on the process to get a negotiated solution is not only possible but also very necessary; there is no another alternative. It is extremely necessary to keep a huge calm and tranquillity in these delicate moments. Some days later the very person passing on this message of serenity was imprisoned.